Zelenskyy impeached before July?

Zelenskyy

Prospects of Impeaching President Zelenskyy Before July

Political Opposition Calls for Impeachment

Some Ukrainian opposition figures have begun openly calling for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s removal. The most notable is Oleksandr Dubinsky, a controversial parliament member with a pro-Russian reputation (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). After a tense late-February meeting between Zelenskyy and U.S. President Donald Trump, Dubinsky declared the encounter a “diplomatic failure” and the “final act of the regime’s collapse,” blaming Zelenskyy for losing previously unconditional U.S. support (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). He urged an “emergency session” of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) to initiate impeachment proceedings and put Zelenskyy on trial (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times) (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). Dubinsky leveled several accusations at Zelenskyy, claiming:

• Foreign policy failure: Ukraine’s isolation grew and critical Western aid was jeopardized (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times).
• Mismanagement of the war: Strategic blunders and poor leadership, insinuating Ukraine is facing a “lost war” under Zelenskyy (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times).
• Suppression of dissent: Crackdowns on political opponents and moves toward authoritarian rule (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times).

These impeachment calls coincide with a broader resurgence of formerly marginalized pro-Russian political voices in Ukraine. Figures from the banned Opposition Platform – For Life party and others aligned with Moscow are attempting comebacks, seizing on Trump’s public criticisms of Zelenskyy to bolster their narrative (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). For example, exiled politician Artem Dmytruk echoed Kremlin talking points by accusing Zelenskyy’s government of deliberately prolonging the war for political gain (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). It’s worth noting that Dubinsky himself is widely seen as pro-Russian – he was sanctioned by the U.S. in 2021 for alleged involvement in Kremlin influence operations and even arrested by Ukraine in 2023 on suspicion of treason (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). Mainstream opposition parties, such as former President Petro Poroshenko’s European Solidarity, have criticized Zelenskyy on certain policies but are not explicitly pushing impeachment. In fact, Zelenskyy recently sanctioned Poroshenko (ostensibly over an old treason case), a move viewed as political pressure ahead of eventual elections (Following an attack on opposition, Zelensky effectively begins election season) (Following an attack on opposition, Zelensky effectively begins election season). Overall, the loudest impeachment rhetoric is coming from the fringes of Ukrainian politics with apparent Russian sympathies, rather than the pro-Western opposition core.

Parliamentary Actions and Legal Proceedings

As of now, no formal impeachment procedure has been launched in the Verkhovna Rada against Zelenskyy. Dubinsky’s demand for an emergency session appears to be a political statement; there is no indication that a majority of MPs have endorsed impeachment proceedings. On the contrary, Ukraine’s parliament recently took steps supporting Zelenskyy’s mandate. On February 25, the Rada passed a symbolic resolution reaffirming Zelenskyy’s legitimacy as president during the wartime emergency (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs). This came amid questions raised about his legal mandate because Ukraine has postponed elections under martial law. The resolution explicitly noted that under the constitution, Zelenskyy remains in office lawfully while martial law (imposed due to Russia’s invasion) is in effect (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs). It also stressed that national elections will be held only after a “comprehensive, just, and lasting peace” is achieved (Ukraine’s Parliament Responds to Trump, Putin: Elections Only After Peace).

Notably, this resolution succeeded on its second attempt. An initial vote a day earlier fell short, garnering only 218 votes in favor (eight short of the 226 majority needed) (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). About 54 lawmakers abstained in that first vote – including 38 members of Zelenskyy’s own Servant of the People party – quietly indicating some discontent or political maneuvering (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). The following day, however, 268 MPs voted “yes,” allowing the pro-Zelenskyy statement to pass with a comfortable majority (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). The final text affirmed that Zelenskyy was democratically elected and will remain in power until a new president is elected after the war, in accordance with the constitution (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). This episode suggests that while a portion of parliament was hesitant (or absent) initially, the legislature as a whole is not moving to depose Zelenskyy; rather, it publicly closed ranks behind him in response to outside pressure from Moscow and Washington. No legal impeachment commission or inquiry exists at present. The only recent parliamentary “action” related to Zelenskyy’s status was this supportive resolution – a far cry from an impeachment motion.

(Ukraine’s Parliament Responds to Trump, Putin: Elections Only After Peace) (Ukraine’s Parliament Responds to Trump, Putin: Elections Only After Peace) President Zelenskyy (foreground) and Ukrainian lawmakers observe a moment of silence for war victims during a parliamentary session (June 28, 2023). Under martial law, parliament has affirmed that no elections – and by implication no routine transfer of power – can occur until the war ends (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). Calls for Zelenskyy’s ouster come mainly from fringe opposition figures rather than the legislature’s majority.

Public Sentiment and Protest Activity

Public opinion in Ukraine does not indicate a broad desire to remove Zelenskyy in the midst of the war. On the contrary, Zelenskyy continues to enjoy fairly robust approval ratings. Recent surveys in early 2025 put his approval in the 50–60% range, which is lower than the sky-high ~90% peaks seen at the war’s outset but still a solid majority support (Fact Check: Does Zelensky Have a 4% Approval Rating? - Newsweek). (By comparison, claims by critics that his support has collapsed to single digits are unfounded; for example, a U.S. rumor that Zelenskyy had “4%” approval was debunked by polls showing roughly 63% approval (Zelenskiy's latest approval rating is 63%, not 4%, contrary to Trump's ...).) This sustained public backing is tied to his role as the face of Ukrainian resistance against Russia’s invasion. Many Ukrainians, even if weary of war, credit Zelenskyy for effectively rallying international support and standing firm. After the contentious meeting with Trump, ordinary Ukrainians interviewed by media largely praised Zelenskyy’s defiance, saying he “fought like a lion” to defend Ukraine’s interests (Pride, Horror, And Concern: What Ukrainians Think About The Trump-Zelenskyy Oval Office Clash ). Some also felt anger at the disrespect shown to their leader, taking Trump’s harsh treatment of Zelenskyy as an insult to Ukraine itself (Pride, Horror, And Concern: What Ukrainians Think About The Trump-Zelenskyy Oval Office Clash ). This patriotic sentiment has, for the time being, insulated Zelenskyy from any mass public movement against him.

Crucially, there have been no significant protests in Kyiv or other cities demanding Zelenskyy’s resignation or impeachment. Wartime unity and martial law restrictions have tamped down street politics. While Ukrainians are not blind to their government’s shortcomings – concerns about corruption and wartime graft persist (Safeguarding Ukraine's democracy during the war) – most grievances have not coalesced into organized anti-Zelenskyy demonstrations. Small-scale protests have occurred (for example, rallies by soldiers’ families over military conscription practices or local corruption scandals), but these have been issue-specific and not directly aimed at removing the president. Civil society groups and activists remain vigilant about democratic norms, yet they generally acknowledge that ousting the leader during an existential war could be destabilizing. Overall, public sentiment is more aligned with “rallying around the flag” than with ousting the commander-in-chief. Absent a dramatic collapse in battlefield fortunes or a major scandal implicating Zelenskyy personally, the Ukrainian populace is unlikely to generate the kind of pressure needed to force impeachment in the next few months.

Constitutional and Legal Feasibility of Impeachment

Even if political forces wanted to impeach Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s constitutional process sets a very high bar. Impeachment is only permitted if the president has committed “state treason or another crime,” and it involves a multi-stage procedure (Impeachment in Ukraine - Wikipedia). First, a majority of parliament (at least 226 out of 450 MPs) must initiate the process by signing a written request that outlines the accusations. Parliament would then form a special investigative commission to examine the evidence. If the commission finds grounds and two-thirds of MPs vote to proceed, the case goes to Ukraine’s highest courts for review (Impeachment in Ukraine - Wikipedia). The Constitutional Court must certify that the process abides by constitutional procedures, and the Supreme Court must confirm that the allegations indeed constitute treason or a serious crime (Impeachment in Ukraine - Wikipedia). Only after both courts sign off would the Rada take a final vote on removing the president – and that vote requires an overwhelming three-quarters majority (338 out of 450 MPs) by secret ballot to succeed (Ukraine: Law on Impeachment of President Adopted | Library of Congress).

In practice, reaching a three-quarters consensus is extraordinarily difficult, especially in the current context. Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party controls a large bloc of seats (it won over 50% of the Rada in 2019), and even though some members have drifted, the pro-government and allied factions still hold well over half the chamber. Impeachment would require not only united opposition but also a sizeable defection of Zelenskyy’s own deputies. Moreover, there is no clear-cut “crime” to pin on Zelenskyy. Policy disagreements or claims of poor wartime leadership do not meet the constitutional threshold of treason or criminal offense. Dubinsky and others brand Zelenskyy’s actions as disastrous, but to legally impeach him they would need concrete evidence of lawbreaking (for instance, if Zelenskyy were accused of corruption or betraying national interests to the enemy – allegations for which there is no proof). Martial law adds another wrinkle: Ukraine’s constitution forbids elections during wartime emergency, but it does not explicitly forbid impeachment. However, initiating a lengthy impeachment in the middle of war would be seen as undermining national stability. As a result, the legal feasibility is low – not only because of the high vote threshold, but also because Ukraine’s judiciary and most lawmakers are unlikely to agree that Zelenskyy has committed an impeachable offense. In short, any impeachment drive would face both constitutional hurdles and a lack of substantiated charges, making it an uphill battle.

Statements from Key Political Figures and International Actors

The impeachment chatter around Zelenskyy is influenced by rhetoric from both domestic and international figures. Internationally, Donald Trump’s return to the U.S. presidency in 2025 has had an immediate political ripple effect in Ukraine. In late February, after meeting Zelenskyy, President Trump publicly blasted him as a “dictator without elections,” criticizing Zelenskyy for not holding national elections during the war (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs). (In reality, Zelenskyy’s term was set to end in 2024, but martial law legally postpones any elections (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs).) Trump even suggested – falsely – that Ukraine, not Russia, “started” the war (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs). This unprecedented criticism from Ukraine’s most important ally shocked Kyiv’s establishment and emboldened Zelenskyy’s opponents. Russian President Vladimir Putin has also jumped on the narrative, repeatedly arguing that Zelenskyy is illegitimate since his mandate expired and no election was held in 2024 (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs). The Kremlin claims it cannot negotiate peace with an “unelected” leader, conveniently ignoring the fact that Russia’s own aggression forced Ukraine to suspend normal elections.

Trump’s and Putin’s statements have been seized upon by pro-Russian voices in Ukraine like Dubinsky as justification for removing Zelenskyy. Dubinsky explicitly cited Trump’s rebuke as evidence of Zelenskyy’s foreign policy failure (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). Some far-right American figures echoed Trump as well – for instance, Republican Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene cheered that an “arrogant small man’s ego” (referring to Zelenskyy) had finally met resistance from world leaders (These Republicans loved Trump and Vance’s attack on Zelensky | The Independent) (These Republicans loved Trump and Vance’s attack on Zelensky | The Independent). On the other hand, most Western leaders have rallied to Zelenskyy’s defense. European Union officials and NATO allies reaffirmed their support for Ukraine’s chosen government after the Trump-Zelenskyy clash. (Reports indicate that British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and others offered vocal backing to Zelenskyy in its aftermath, emphasizing unity against Russian aggression.) Ukrainian officials too closed ranks: Kyiv’s mayor Vitali Klitschko and regional governors praised Zelenskyy for standing up to Trump, framing it as defending Ukraine’s dignity (Pride, Horror, And Concern: What Ukrainians Think About The Trump-Zelenskyy Oval Office Clash ).

Within Ukraine’s domestic politics, even opposition figures are cautious about impeachment talk. Notably, no major Ukrainian political party leader has called for Zelenskyy’s impeachment. The opposition tends to focus on urging reforms or, at most, pushing for eventual elections when conditions allow. For example, ex-President Poroshenko has advocated for preparing elections once it’s feasible, but he agreed that holding a vote during active war is impossible and has not suggested unseating Zelenskyy by force (Ukraine opposition leader Poroshenko seeks softer diplomacy to ...). One exception is that U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham (a usually pro-Ukraine Republican) reacted to Zelenskyy’s remarks about NATO by suggesting Zelenskyy should resign if that would secure NATO membership (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times). Graham referenced Zelenskyy’s own hypothetical comment that he’d “leave the chair” if Ukraine were allowed into NATO – a line Zelenskyy later clarified was misconstrued and that only Ukrainians can decide his fate (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times). In an interview, Zelenskyy firmly rejected the idea of resigning under foreign pressure, saying “No…that decision can only be made by the people of Ukraine” (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times). He stressed that Americans choose their president, and likewise “only Ukrainians vote for Ukrainians”, underscoring his accountability to his electorate, not to Washington (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times).

Meanwhile, Zelenskyy’s government and allies dismiss impeachment chatter as enemy-influenced noise. They argue that any internal moves to oust the president now would play into Moscow’s hands. Analysts describe the impeachment calls as a dangerous distraction: a bid by pro-Russian elements to sow division when unity is paramount (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times) (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times). Indeed, as long as Russia’s invasion continues, Ukraine’s political mainstream (and Western partners) view maintaining stable leadership as critical. Zelenskyy himself remains focused on the war effort; he has acknowledged the strain in relations with Trump’s administration but insists Ukraine “cannot lose our values… just to say Putin is a great guy? No.” (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times). This resolve, combined with ongoing Western military aid (which continues with bipartisan support in the U.S. Congress and strong European backing), suggests that international actors – aside from Moscow – are not actively seeking Zelenskyy’s removal from office.

Conclusion: An Unlikely Scenario (For Now)

In summary, there are currently no concrete efforts underway that make Zelenskyy’s impeachment before July a realistic prospect. The talk of impeachment is mostly confined to a small, marginalized segment of Ukrainian politics that has questionable credibility and minimal legislative power. While the turbulent meeting with President Trump has given Zelenskyy’s critics new talking points, Ukraine’s parliament responded by affirming Zelenskyy’s legitimacy rather than moving against him (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs) (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). Public opinion remains on Zelenskyy’s side – most Ukrainians continue to support him as the wartime leader, and there is no mass movement calling for his ouster. Legally, impeachment would face immense hurdles: it requires proving treason or serious crime and rallying an unlikely supermajority in parliament (Ukraine: Law on Impeachment of President Adopted | Library of Congress) (Impeachment in Ukraine - Wikipedia). Instead of impeachment, the more pertinent question is when Ukraine can hold its next elections. Zelenskyy’s term has extended by necessity of war, but both domestic and international pressure is mounting to restore democratic processes once conditions allow (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)) (Following an attack on opposition, Zelensky effectively begins election season). Barring a drastic turn of events, Zelenskyy is expected to remain in office at least until the summer and likely until the war subsides. In the words of Zelenskyy himself, only the Ukrainian people – through constitutional means – can decide to remove him, and at present there is little indication that Ukrainians or their representatives intend to do so mid-conflict (Zelensky resignation: After White House fiasco, will Ukrainian President Zelenskyy be forced to resign? He may do so on this condition - The Economic Times) (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)).

Sources: Recent news reports and analyses have been referenced to ensure accuracy. Key sources include Ukrainian and international media: for example, Dubinsky’s impeachment call and its context were reported by The Economic Times (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times) (Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Dubinsky demands Volodymyr Zelensky’s removal, citing ‘diplomatic failure’ with Donald Trump - The Economic Times), and details on parliamentary votes came from RFE/RL and other outlets (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs) (Ukraine’s Parliament confirms Zelensky’s legitimacy today | Orthodox Times (en)). Public opinion data was verified via Reuters/Newsweek fact-checks (Fact Check: Does Zelensky Have a 4% Approval Rating? - Newsweek), and statements by Trump, Putin, and others are documented in RFE/RL’s coverage (Ukraine's Lawmakers Back Zelenskyy After Trump 'Dictator' Barbs) and related news pieces. These sources collectively indicate that, as of now, any impeachment of President Zelenskyy before July appears highly unlikely given the political and legal landscape.